Raja Ram Mohan Roy Part 3

4.4.1 On Liberty
Liberty was a pivot around.&whicht he entire religio-socio-political thought of Roy
revolved. His protest against idolatory, his agitation against Sati, his demand for
modern western education and his insistence on freedom of press, right of women,
and his demands for "separation for powers" and for the codification of laws were all
expressions of his intense love for liberty. For him, liberty was a priceless possession
of mankind. He was the first to deliver the message of political freedom to India.
Although Roy recognised the positive gains India would get from British rule, he
was never in favour of an unending foreign rule in India. He considered the British
connection necessary for India's social emancipation. Political freedom was bound to
follow.
His lave for liberty however was not limited to one nation or community. It was
universal. He supported all struggles which aimed at human freedom. Freedom for
him was indivisible. He celebrated the establishment of constitutional governments in
Spain and Portugal and was pained when such a government collapsed in Naples in
1821.
Freedom was the strongest passion of Roy's mind. He believed equally in the
freedom of body and mind, so also the freedom of action and thought. He shunned
all restrictions imposed by consideration of race, religion and customs on human
freedoms.


On Rights of the Individual
Roy was the first to create an awareness for civil rights amongst the Indians. He was
grateful to the Britishers because they made available to Indians all those civil rights
which were enjoyed by the Queen's subjects in England. Though Roy did not
specifically enlist the civil rights, he seems to include in it the following rights. Right
to life and liberty, right to have opinions and freedom of expression, Right to
property, Right to religion etc.
Roy gave the greatest importance to the right to freedom of opinion and expression.
To him it included the freedom of creativity of mind and intellect, as well as the
freedom of expressing one's opinions and thoughts through different media.
According to Roy, freedom of expression was equally useful to the rulers and the
ruled. Ignorant people were more likely to revolt against all that the rulers did, they
could turn against authority itself. In contrast an enlightened public would be
opposekl only to the abuse of power by authority and not to the existence of
authority itself. The free press, the Raja argued, had never caused a revolution in
any paft of the world. But many examples could be cited where, in the absence of a
free press, since the grievances of the people remained unrepresented and
unredressed, the situation had become ripe for a violent 'revolutionary' change. A
free and independent press alone could-bring forth the best in the government as well
as the people.
Roy, however, was not against the reasonable restrictions on the freedom of press.
He even accepted some additional restrictions on the Indian Press, which were not
imposed on the press in England. Such restrictions, he believed, might be necessary
here as some Indians were likely to encourage hatred in the minds of the natives
towards the British rulers. Roy also justified the restrictions imposed with a view to
check the seditious attempts of creating hostilities with neighbouring friendly states.
He, however, strongly objected to the restrictions imposed by the bureaucracy in
India. These restrictions, in his opinion, were arbitrary and uncalled for by the
circumstances in this country.


On Law and Judicial Administration
Law, Roy claimed, was the creation of passionless reason. It was the command of
the sovereign. Hence, even the highest officer in the East India Company did not
possess the competence for enacting the laws for India. The king-in-Parliament alone
could have that authority. What is more, Roy argued that the English parliament,
before finalising every piece of legislation relating to India should take into account
the views of the economic and intellectual elites in this country.
Another important Idea that Roy has contributed in the context of law relates to the
codification of law He thinks that such codification was in the interest of both the
rulers and ruled. He suggested that the codification should be done on the basis of
the principles common and agreeable to'all groups and factions in the society. In the
course of codification, the long-standing customs of this country should not be
overlooked. Of course, only those customs which are reasonable and conducive to
general welfare of the people should be picked up. Codified law should be simple,
elear and exact. Codification would make the interpretations of laws more
impersonal and its application more uniform.
Roy had a clear perception of the distinction between law, custom and morality. He
accepted that evolving customs were an important source of law, but the two could
not be identified. He also made a distinction between law and morality. Some laws,
according to Roy, might be legally valid, but morally indefensible. Conversely, some
practices might be morally sound but could not be given legal force. Principles of
morality are relative to the social realities and any law to be effective must take into
account these ethical principles prevalent in a given society.
In .his book entitled 'An Exposition of Revenue and Judicial System in India' Roy
presented a profou& $scussion on urgent reforms in administrative and judicial
matters. He stresse~hep oint that the administration could not be efficient and
effective unless there were official speaking in the language of the masses. There
should also be several channels of communication between the administration and
the people.
Roy's suggestions of reform in the judicial field are more numerous because for him
an efficient, impartial and an independent judiciary was the supreme guarantee of
liberty. Roy believed that the association of the natives in the judicial process had to
be an essential feature of judicial administration. Other measures advocated by him
included : constant supervision of the judicial proceedings by a vigilant public .
opinion, substitution of English for Persian as the official language to be used in the
courts of law, appointment of Indian assessors in civil suits, trial by jury, separation
of judicial from executive functions, and the constant consultation of the native
interests before the enactment of any law that concerned them. He also suggested the
revival of the age-old Panchayat system of adjudication. Roy thus urged several
- reforms and. corrections in the Indian Judicial system in keeping with political
liberalism.
4.4.4 On Sphere of State Action
Though Roy was a liberal thinker, he did not believe in the policy of laissez-faire. He
could never accept that the sphere of state activity was limited only to the political
field. He had appealed repeatedly in his writings to the state authorities to undertake
many social, moral and cultural responsibilities which did not strictly come under the
category of 'polit~cal'. He wanted the state to protect the tenants against the
landlords, to make arrangements for the useful and liberal education, to eradicate
the ugly practices like Sati and to give equal protection to the lives of-both males
and females, and to make efforts to create a new social ordc. oased on the principles
of liberty, equality, fraternity and social justice. To Roy, the existence of any
government becomes meaningful only if it performs all these functions besid~sth e
functions for which it originated.


On Education
Roy believed that unless the educational system of this country was overhauled,
there was no possibility of the people coming out of the slumber of so many
R~IRIa m Mohun Rov
ldeology of Socio-
Political Reform in '
the 19th Century
cuntories. His ambition was to change the educational system completely. He was
convinced that only a modern, science education could instill new awareness and new
capabilities in the Indian people. W~thoutth is kind of education, social reform in
lndia would be very weak and the country would always remain backward. Though
Roy himself was a great scholar of Sanskrit, he always felt that the Sanskrit learning
was irrelevant to modern lndia and hence he strongly opposed it. He appealed to the
rulers that instead of perpetuating irrelevant Sanskrit learning, they should help
equip the nl.:w generations of Indians with useful modern scientific knowledge. Roy
wanted instruction in useful modern sciences like chemistry, mathematics, anatomy,
natural philosophy and not load young minds with grammatical complexities, and
speculative or imaginary knowledge, Roy's views and activities were really pioneering
in giving a new turn to the educational system in India. He was the first eminent
advocate of women's education.
4.4.6 On International ,Co-existence
Thoughts of Ram Mohan Roy on this subject are the expressions of his future
oriented imagination and insight. He has portrayed a beautiful picture of
international coexistence. He was perhaps the first thinker of the 18th century who
had a clear vision of internationalism. This vision might have occurred to him in the
course of his search for universal religion. Roy, the prophet of un~versalism, argued
that all nations of the world must be placed on an equal footing in order to achieve
global bnity and a sense of broad fraternity. It is only then that the contradiction
betweeh nationalism and internationalism can be ended.
Roy held that the different tribes and nations were merely the branches of the same
family and hence, there must be frequent exchange of views and frequent give and
take in all matters among the enlightened nations of the world. This, according to
Roy, was the only way to make the human race happy and contented. Differences in 1
political persp'ectives could be elim~natedb y thrashing out the differences on the
common platforms composed of equal number of delegates from each of the
contestalnt countries. Such a common forum could also be useful for the settlement
of all international issues, which would enable mankind to live in peace for
generations together.
Roy's ideas in this respect proved prophetic, the League of Nations and the UNO are
in a sense institutional expressions of these ideas.

Raja Ram Mohan Roy Part 2

-
4.3 ROY AS A SOCIAL REFORMER
Next to religious backwardness, according to Roy, the factor responsible for the
political deterioration of India was her social decadence. He had no doubts that here
the social reform was an essential precondition of political liberation. He did
pioneering work in the field of social reform.
Roy started his public life in 1815 with the establishment of the Atmiya Sabha. This
sabha vehemently protested against the prevalent practice of selling young girls to
prospective husbands due to some pecuniary interests, in the name of the Kuleen
tradition. It also opposed polygamy and worked for the removal of caste disabilities.
Roy believed in, the progressive role of the British rule in India and sought
government held in the matter of social reforms, especially in the form of socially
progressive legislations. For instance, Roy was convinced that without the active
support of the government it would be almost impossible to eradicate the inhuman
practices of sati.
Roy's aim was the creation of a new society based on the principles of tolerance,
sympathy and reason, where the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity would
be accepted by all, and where man would be free from the traditional shackles which
had enslaved him for ages. He yearned for a new society which would be
cosmopolitan and modern.
Roy's methods of social reform were multifaceted. He combined all possible means,
including even those which were commonly believed to be incompatible. He appealed
to the rational faculty of his compatriots, and often quoted from the scriptures, lines
and verses in support of the proposed reforms.
I The great scholar of Sanskrit that he was, Roy could easily counter the objections of
1. the advocates of status quo by quoting elaborately from the original Sanskrit texts.
For instance, while condemning polygamy, Roy cited Yagnavalkya who permitted a
I second wife only on 8 specific grounds viz. if she had the habit of drinking, suifered
! from incurable disease, barrenness etc. Nevertheless, he maintained that no book was
a work of God and hence infallible. He wrote scholarly essays on topics of social
reform and also translated and reinterpreted the important religious texts. He sent
memoranda and appeals to the rulers inviting their attention to the social evils. From
the platforms of the organized forums, he presented before the people the models of
exemplary behaviour in religious and social matters. He took keen interest in and
supported each and every movement aimed at human liberation anywhere in the
world. He even had the courage of conviction to declare that he would renounce his
connection with English, if a particular reform bill pending before the Parliament in
England was not passed by it. He established or helped in several ways the social
organizations catering to the needs of destitute widows and penniless students.

4.3.1 On Caste System
Raja Ram Mohan Roy's strongest objection to the caste system was on the grounds
that it fragmented society into many divisions and subdivisions. Caste divisions
destroyed social homogeneity and the integrated texture of society and weakened it
politically. Caste divisions deprived the people completely of political feeling, i.e. the
feeling of commanality, of soldidarity. A people so divided become incapable of
undertaking any great task. Besides the divisive role of caste system, Roy was also
critical about its discriminatory nature. He was against the inequitiesjnherent in the
traditiopal caste hierarchy. He thought it to be illogical to assess the worth of an
individual on the basis of birth and not on his, merits. He was in favour of intercaste
and inter-racial marriages, which he thought, could effectively break the barriers of
the caste divisions.


4.3.2 On Women's Rights
Raja Ram Mohan Roy wa+ a champion of women's rights in India. He laid the
foundations of the women's liberation movement in this country. He revolted against
the subjection of women and pleaded for the restoration of their rights. The
condition of the Hindu women in those days was very pitiable. They were subjected
to different kinds of injustices and deprivations. According to Roy, the root cause of
the all-round deterioration of Hindu women was the complete denial of their
property rights. The Hindu girl was not given the traditional right to share with her
brothers the property of her deceased father. The married Hindu woman was refused
the nght to share with her sons the property left by her deceased husband.
In 1822, Roy wrote a book entitled Brief Remarks Regarding Modern
Enchroachments on the Ancient Right of Females. He pointed out that the ancient
Hindu hwgivers gave the mother the right to have an equal share with her sons in
the proberty left by her husband; and the daughter to have 114 part of the portion
which a son could inherit in the property left by the father. Roy indicated how these
rights were gradually taken away by the modern lawgivers. He tried to prove that
all these deprivations were blatant violations of the provisions in the ancient texts
written by the authorities such as Yagnyawalakya, Narad, Katyayana, Brihaspati and
others. The utter helplessness and humiliation of the Hindu widow was one of the
major reasons that prompted the inhuman practice of Sati.
Womeq completely robbed of their property rights quite naturally lost their
independence and became the slaves of the male members of the family. They were
thought to have less intellectual capabilities than the males. They were supposed to
have an existence only at a physical level. Men were free to marry as many women
as they thought fit for the satisfaction of their lust. Women however were not
allowed to marry a second time. As equality of sexes was an article of faith for Roy,
he could not accept that women were inferior to men in any respect. He believed
that thqy were even superior to men in some respects. Whatever inferiority seemed to
be on tbeir part was the result, Roy argued, of keeping them away for generations
from the sources of knowledge and the opportunities to shoulder different
responsibilities in life.
Roy vehemently opposed polygamy and with utmost vigour brought to light, its
shayeful evil consequences. He pleaded for an enactment allowing a Hindu male to
mare rq second wife only after getting a clearance from the magistrate. Roy was in
favour of the remarriage of women under certain circumstances. Brahmo Samaj
which he founded paid special attention to women's education.


On Sati
Perhap$ the greatest social reform with which Roy's name will be permanently
associated is the abolition of the cruel practice of sati. Roy used all the means at his
disposal to stop this inhuman practice, which forced the helpless widow to burn
herself alive on the funeral pyre of her husband.
In 1818, Roy wrote his first essay on sati in which he argued that the woman had an
existence independent of her husband and hence, she had no reason to end her life
on the demise of her husband. The society had no right over her life. Right to life of
both mttn and women was equally important. That the practice of sati was centuries
' old could be no argument to make it just. All that comes through centuries need not
always be right. All customs need to be adjusted to the changing circumstances, if
they are to survive. According to Roy, Sati was nothing short of murder and was
therefore a punishable offence under the law.
Roy fought against the practice of sati on three fronts: The first and the most
important was that of public opinion. Roy through writings, speeches, agitation and
discussions prepared the minds of the people in favour of the abolition of sati and
explained how the practice had no support in any of the religious texts and hence
governmental action in the matter could not be an interference in religious affairs.
Secondly, he tried to convince the rulers that it was their rebponsibility as civilized
I rulers to put an end to the cruel custom. The third ftont was the inquiry into the
i causes that led a Hindu widow to commit Sati and to make arrangements to
I eliminate those causes. Roy found that ignorance of the women about their
1
t legitimate rights, their illiteracy, customary denial of the property rights to the
i widow and the consequent helplessness, dependence, misery and humiliation were
some of the causes behind this practice. Roy pleaded strongly for the restoration of 1 property rights of the women as well as for facilities for women's education.

ROY'S POLITICAL LIBERALISM
Roy can be described as the earliest advocate of liberalism and the precursor of the
liberal movement in India. Liberalism had emerged as the most valuable product of
renaissance and reformation in Europe. It captured some of the best brains in the
19th century Europe and America. It became the dominant ideology of the first
phase of religious and social reform in' India. Liberalism, in brief, stands for the
value and dignity of the individual personality; the central position of Man in the
historical development; and the faith that people are the ultimate source of all
power. Quite naturally liberalism insists on the inviolability of certain rights of the
individual without which no human development can be thought of; it insists on
human equality and also Qn the tenet that the individual should not be sacrificed for
the sake of society. In liberalism, there is no scope for arbitrary and despotic use of
authority in any field whether it be religious, social, political or economic.
Roy advocated liberal principles in all walks of life. In the religious field Roy stood
for tolerance, a non-communal approach to all problems and secularism. He valued
the freedom of the individual to follow the dictates of his conscience and even to
defy the commands of thbestly class. Politically, Roy was a supporter of the
impersonal authority of law and opposed all kinds of arbitrary and despotic power.
He was conyinced that the existence of constitutional government is the best
guarantee of human freedom. He insisted on the use of constitutional means as when
required to safeguard the rights. He preferred the gradual improvements of the
condition of this country because, to him, such improvements were more lasting and
profound.
True to the liberal principles in the economic sphere, Roy believed in the sanctity of
right to property. Similarly, he believed that a strong middle class had an important
role to play in socio-political dynamics. He was for the emancipation of poor
peasants who were exposed to the exploitation of zamindars. He wanted the
government to reduce its demands ofi landlords. He wanted to preserve the ryotwari
system and rural basis of Indian civilization and also establish modem scientific
industry. He however differed from the other western liberal thinkers in one
important respect, viz. role of state and sphere of state activities. In his scheme of
things, the state is expected to bring about social reform, in protecting the rights of
the tenants against the landlords etc.


2

Raja Ram Mohan Roy Part 1

Raja Ram Mohan Roy (1772-1833) was one of the makers of modem India. He is
generally hailed as "the father of Modern India". Though Roy was modernist in his
approach, he always tried to link modernity with tradition. He attempted the creative
combination of secularism and spirituality, of Western and Eastern philosophy. His
attitude towards religion was eclectic. He wanted to present the concept of universal ,
religion by combining the best features of all leading religions of the world.

ROY AS A RELIGIOUS REFORMER
A review and revaluation of religion was Roy's primary concern. He was of the
opinion that rationality and modernity needed to be introduced in the field of
religion and that "irrational religion" was at the root of many social evils. The sociopolitical
progress of this country, according to him, depended mainly on the
'successful revolution in the religious thought and behaviour. He was interested not
only in reforming the Hindu religion, but also tried to remove the discrepancies
among the various religions of the world. He undertook a serious study of
comparative religions and realised in due course that true Hinduism, true Islam and
true Christianity are not fundamentally different from each other. He hoped that the
universal religion for mankind could be established by combining the best elements
of all religions. This concept of universal religion meant not merely religious
tolerance, but also transcending all the sectarian barriers of separate religion. Roy,
thus attempted a spiritual synthesis, stressing the unity of all religious experience. Ht
became a confirmed monotheist. In 1828 he established the Brahmo Samaj. The
Samaj acted as a forum for religious and philosophical contemplation and
discussion. Roy's criticism of religious antagonised the priestly classes of all
organised religions. Time has, however, proved beyond doubt the relevance or Roy's
thoughts and deeds.

Influences that Shaped Him
Besides Bengali and Sanskrit, Roy had mastered Arabic, Persian, Hebrew, Greek,
Latin and 17 other leading languages spoken in the world. Roy's familiarity with
such diverse languages, exposed him to a va'riety of cultural, philosophical and
/religious experiences. He studied Islam thoroughly. The rationality and the logical
consistency of Arabic literature in general and the mutajjil in particular impressed
Roy greatly. The Sufi poets like Saddi and Haafiz made a deep impact on Roy's
mind. The Quaranic concept of Tauhid or Unity of God fascinated Roy.
Thus, in this context, when Roy examined the Hindu religious texts and practices, he
was greatly disturbed. He found polytheism, idolatory and irrational superstitions
absolutely intolerable. He decided to fight against these age-old evils.
A Sanskrit scholar, Ram Mohan had studied the Hindu scriptures in depth and thus
he got the inspiration to free the orthodox Hinduism from its obscurantist elements.
Roy also had .studied the teachings of the Buddha Dhamma. It is said that in the
course of his travels he reached Tibet. There he was pained to see how the principles
of Buddhism were blatantly violated and how idol-worship, which had no place in
the Dhamma of Lord Buddha, had come to be accepted. He str.ongly criticised the
practices.


As a Dewan in the revenue department, when the Raja was required to go to
Rangpur, he got an opportunity to study the Tantrik literature as well as the Jaina's
Kalpasutras and other scriptures. He also mastered the English language and
acquainted himself with political developments and ideas like rationalism and
liberation in England and Europe. The knowledge of English not only facilitated
Roy's contacts with Englishmen but also opened up a whole new world to him. In
Roy's own words, he now gave up his initial prejudices against the British and
realized that it was better to seek help from these enlightened rulers in ameliorating
the condition of the ignorant and superstitious masses. He became a strong advocate
of English education and a supporter of British rule.

Roy admired the Bible as much as he did the Vedanta and the Quran. Many of his
critics thought that two major features of Roy's Brahmo Samaj, namely, the
opposition to idol-worship, and the practice of collective prayer were borrowed from
Christianity. Roy was charged of Christianising Hindustan in a surreptitious manner.
It is true that Roy advised Indians to imbibe Christ's ethical teachings. Roy himself
admitted, "I found the doctrine of Christ more conductive to moral principles and
better adopted for the use of rational beings than any other which have come to my
knowledge." He also compiled "The Precepts of Jesus" with a view to proving how
the teachings of Christ could be better adapted to rational man's use. At the same
time it has to be noted that he was no blind admirer of the Christian faith. He
rejected the doctrine of Christ's divinity (arguing that if Christ is divine, so is Rama)
and the doctrine of Trinity preached by the missionaries.
From what has been said above, it should be clear that it is unfair to charge Roy
with seeking to Christianise 'rlduism. Rather it was Roy's ardent desire to revive

Hinduism in its pristine, pure and universal form. He pleaded for an Advaita
Political Reform in philosophy which rejected caste, idolatory and superst~ousri tes and rituals.
the 19th Century
Thvs, Roy was someone who had gone beyond narrow divisions of religious faiths.
He embraced all that was the most valuable and the most inspiring in Hinduism,
Christianity and Islam.

Reinterpreting Hinduism
Roy devoted all his energies to fighting sectarianism and other medieval tendencies
prevailing in the Hindu society, such as polytheism, idolatory and superstitions. He
was a firm believer of the Advaita philosophy which left no scope for such
tendencies. Roy was quite sure that unless the Hindu society underwent a religious
and social transformation, it would not become fit for political progress. According
to him, the then prevailing religious system of the Hindus was ill-suited for the ,
promotion of their political interests. The multitude of religious rites and ceremonies
and the unnatural distinctions of caste and laws of purification, Roy argued, had
deprived the Hindus of any kind of common political feeling. Hindus must accept
some changes in their religion at least for the sake of their political advantage and
social comfort. Reinterpretation of Hinduism, to Roy, was thus the starting point for
the programme of socio-political reform. Roy sought to combine the deep
experiences of spiritual life with the basic principle of social democracy. He
denounced all superstitions and the evil practices based on them because he was
convinced that these longstanding customary practices really did not form the core of
their religious faith. They, in fact, had no place or support in the religious texts of
the Hindus. Roy wanted to draw the attention of his countrymen to the ancient
purity of their religion. To him, this purity was well reflected in the Vedas and the
Upanishads.
In order to prove that blind faith and superstitious beliefs and practices had no basis
in the pure Hindu religion, Roy undertook the difficult task of translating the
Upanishads into English and Bengali. He gave elaborate notes and comments with
these translations and distributed them free of cost amongst the people. -
At the age of 16, Roy wrote a book challenging the validity of the practice of idolworship,
which according to him was the root cause of many other social evils. It led
to the multiplication of deities and aiso a multitude of modes of worship. This, in
turn, had resulted in dividing the society into innumerable castes and groups, each
worshiping an idol different from others. The process of division and subdivision was
unending. Roy considered idolatory to be opposed to reason and common sense.
Besides, it had no sanction in the ancient religious texts. Roy preached monotheism
and a collective prayer from the platform of the Brahmo Samaj.
Roy fought against the superstitions which had resulted in evolving many inhuman
and cruel customs and traditions in Hindu society. He tried. to convince the people
that the superstitions had nothing to do with the teachings of original Hinduism.
Roy not only preached but also practised what he preached. Travelling across the
ocean was considered to be a sin by the orthodox Hindus. Roy was the first Hindu
to break this superstition. He himself undertook overseas travel. This courage of
conviction on his part made Roy's efforts more effective.

1

DR. B. R. AMBEDKAR PART 2

Dr. B.R. Ambedker ON STATE SOCIALISM

From this discussion, you will realize that Ambedkar was not only a scholar with a firm intellectual grip on concepts, but he was also aware of the practical social difficulties in the way of democratic functioning. Therefore, he emphasises that mere liberty cannot be an adequate goal. Liberty is meaningful when Acompanied by equality. We want a democratic government which will uphold the idea of equality also. The western ideas of liberal democracy and parliamentary form of government do not ensure equality. So Ambedkar turned to socialism.

14.4.1 Inclination to Socialism
In those days, two varieties of socialism were prominent. One was Marxist
Socialism. Ambedkar studied various aspects of Marxism and favoured some
Marxist principles. He generally subscribed to the material view of history and agreed to the need for a total change for bringing about equality. He also accepted the idea of public ownership of property. However, he did not become a Marxist. The other important variety of socialism was Democratic Socialism. Ambedkar's firm belief in democracy attracted him to this ideology. He felt that socialism must function within a democratic framework. Democracy and socialism need not be opposed to each other. Thus, in 1947, Ambedkar propounded the idea of 'State socialism'. Even earlier, when fie established the Independent Labour Party in 1937, he had adopted a broadly socialist programme. The name of the party itself indicates that it was to be a party of all depressed classes. Its programme included state management of important industries and bringing about a just economic system. The party wanteq to ensure minimum standard of living for agricultural and industrial workers.

14.4.2 State Socialism
In 1947, Ambedkar suggested that the Constitution of India should incorporate
the principle of State Socialism. State socialism means that the state would
implement a socialist programme by controlling the industrial and agricultural sectors. There are two major aspects of Ambedkar's State socialism.
(a) Keyindustries and basic industries will be owned by the state. There will be no private ownership of such industries. This will help in rapid industrialization and at the same time, benefits of industrialization will be distributed among all the sections of the society by the state. Insurance will also be mtirely under state control;
(b) Agriculture will be treated as a state industry. This means that the
state will initiate collective farming. Farmers will be allowed to enjoy part of the agricultural produce and the state will get some share in the form of levy. Foodgrains procured by way of levy will be used for distribution at fare prices. In other words, the state will actively control both the industry and the agriculture.

This will ensure equitable distribution of wealth and protect the needy and the poor. Rapid industrial progress and welfare of all the sections of the society will be the responsibility of the state. However, the democratic institutions such as the parliament will also remain intact.
In the parliamentary form of government, the same party may not remain in
power permanently. Different parties with different programmes may come to
power. Therefore, Ambedkar suggested that the programme of State Socialism
should be made an uiialterable part of the constitution', so that any party which comes to power will have to implement that programme. This idea of State Socialism shows that Ambedkar was aware of the problems of poverty and
economic inequality. He !lid great emphasis on industrialization. He believed
that India needed rapid industrial growth. This will help to ease out the burden on agriculture. But merely of wealth, the menace of capitalism had to be avoided.

14.4.3 Role of Government
This was possible only if the state functioned as a major partner in the field of
industry. Ambedkar believed that the state operating through government will
be a neutral agency looking after the interests of the entire community.
Therefore, he attached much importance to the role of the government.
Government, according to him, has to perform the role of a welfare agency. It
has to ensure rapid progress and just distribution of the fruits of that progress. The role of the government was not restricted to industry only. It was expected to be active in the area of banking and insurance. Moreover, the government must also control the agriculture. By owning major industries and controlling agriculture, the government will curb economic injustice. In other words, changes of a revolutionary nature are to be brought about through the efforts of the government.

AMBEDKAR AND DRAFTING OF THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION
In 1947, Ambedkar became Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the
Constituent Assembly of India. Hi5 contribution in this role has become
immemorable. Ambedkar's legal expertise and knowledge of constitutional
laws of different countries was very helpful in framing the Indian Constitution.
His deep regard for a democratic constitution and insistence upon constitutional morality also helped in this process. In this sense, he is rightly regarded as the architect of the Indian Constitution. There are many administrative details in the Indian Constitution (e.g. provisions regarding the Public Service Commission, Attorney General, Comptroller and Auditor General, etc.) which have made the constitution a very lengthy document. But Ambedkar defended inclusion of such details. He argued that we have created a democratic political structure in a traditional society. If all details are not incorporated, unscrupulous rulers in the future' may misuse the constitution without technically violating it. Thus, formally the constitution may remain in operation but its real purpose may be defeated. To avoid this, the best safeguard is to write down all necessary details and to bind future rulers to these details.

In a society where the democratic tradition is weak, such safeguards become essential. This shows that A~nbedkar was a staunch constitutionalist. He believed that a government must be constitutional and that constitution must be treated as a basic and sacred document. There was no room for extra-parliamentary activity in constitutional politics. He also attached much significance to the ebolution of constitutional norms and public practices consistent with the constitution.

Dr. Ambedkar's must important contribution to the Indian Constitution may be
seen in the areas of fundamental rights, strong central government and
protection of minorities. As .a liberal. Ambedkar believed that fundamental
rights constitute the most important part of the constitution. But mere listing of these rights is not sufficient. What makes fundamental rights really fundamental is the guarantee of constitutional protection to these rights. Ambedkar waS proud of Article 32 of the Indian Constitution which guarantees judicial protection to fundamental rights. Such protection makes the rights real and meaningful. There was general agreement in the constituent assembly that India needed a strong central government. Ambedkar shared this view. But his chief reason for advocating a strong central government was slightly different from that of the others. He was awateThat India was a caste-ridden society in which lower castes have always received unjust treatment from the higher castes.

He was afraid that casteism would be all the more powerful at local .and provincial Icvels. Government at these levels would be easily subject to casteist pressures and it would fail to protect the lower castes from higher caste oppression. The* national government would be less influenced by these pressures. It would bernore liheral in its approach than the local governments.

'Only a strong centralwas Ambedkar's most important reason for. sreating a strong central
government. He knew that the minority communities in India were in the most
vulnerable position. In India, there was a tendency of a communal or caste
majority becoming a political majority also. Thus, a minority will be both a casteminority and political minority. It will be subject to political as well as socialharassment. The democratic rule of 'one-man-one-vote' will not be sufficient insuch a situation. What we need in India is some guarantee of a share in power for the minorities. Minority communities should get an opportunity to elect their repredentatives. The views of these representatives must be fully respected.

Ambedkar attempted to incorporate many safeguards for the minorities,
including definite representation in the executive. He was successful in creating provisions regarding political reservations in legislatures and the appointment of a special officer for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Commissioner) under Article 338 etc. He would have liked to create many more safeguards but for the unwillingness of the majority in the constituent assembly. What is significant here is Dr: Ambedkar's view that democracy is not merely majorit rule ahd that caste-communal minorities must be fully protected to make democracy meaningful. He 'was, in other words, against the 'Majoritarianism Syndrome'

14.6 ON SOCIAL CHANGE
Ambedkar made ceaseless efforts for the removal of untouchability and the
material progress of untouchables. From 1924 onwards, he led the movement of
untouchables till the end of his life. He firmly believed that the progresb of thenation could not be realized without first removing untouchability. Ambedkar
held the view that the removal of untouchability was linked to the abolition ofthe caste system and that it could be only by discarding the religious notionsfrom the basis of the caste system. The,refore, in the course of his analysis of the
caste system, he examined the Hindu religious philosophy and criticized it.He
did this boldly, often facing strong resentment from the orthodox Hindus.

14.6.1 Priority to Social Reform
Social reform was always the first priority of Dr. Ambedkar. He believed that
the economic and political issues should be resolved only after achieving the
goal of social justice. If priority is given to the issue of political emancipation, it
would mean transfer of power from foreign rules to the upper caste Hindus, whoare equally distant from the lower castes. ~husi,n justice against the
untouchables would still continue. Similarly, the idea that economic progress
would resolve all social problems was also ill-founded, according to Ambedka~.
Castepsrn is an expression of mental slavery of the Hindus. It made them
insensitive. Therefore, no real change could take place without doing away withthe evil of casteism. Social reform was the precondition of revolutionary
changes in our society.
Social reform consisted of reform of the family system and religious reform.
Family reform included abolition of practices like child-marriage etc. This was
important mainly because it involved upliftment of women. Reforms regarding
marriage and divorce laws for instance, would benefit women who were as
oppressed as the untouchables. Ambedkar strongly criticized the degradation of women in the Indian society. He believed that women were entitled to an equal status with men and that they must have the right to education. He lamented that the Hindu religion had deprived women of the right to property. In the Hindu Code Bill which he prepared, he took care that women should get a sharehe property. While he organised the untouchables, he always called upon
women of the untouchable community to come forward and participate in
social and political movements.
14.6.2 Attack on the Caste
1 Ambedkar's main battle was against the caste system. Caste had made Hindu
society stagnant. Due to the caste system, Hindu society is unable to
accommodate outsiders. This drawback poses permanent problems for
* integration. Even internally, the Hindu society fails to satisfy the test of a
homogeneous socie'ty. It is only a ccmglomerate of different castes. Caste is'an
obstacle in the growth of national spirit. Most importantly, caste system
perpetrates injustice on the lower czstes. It does not allow progress of the lower
castes. Lower castes receive nothing but contempt. This has resulted in moral
degradation and demoralisation of the lower castes. The unt.ouchables, in
particular, ;ire the constant object of injustice. They are denied education, good
livelihood and human dignity. The caste system has dehumanized them
thoroughly. The very idea that the mere touch of one human being pollutes
another shows the gross level of inequality and brutality to which the caste
system had sunk. Therefore, the battle for the removal of untouchability
becomes the battle for human rights and justice.

Telugu Language

Telugu is a richly developed language and the biggest linguistic unit in India, second only to Hindi. Linguistically, the language has deviated a good deal from its southern sisters – Kannada, Tamil and Malayalam. It is the state language of Andhra Pradesh. It’s an old one too, with origins as early as the 1st century AD, or perhaps even before as one of the later Vedas (700BC) mentions the Andhras, another name for the people of Andhra Pradesh. Early inscriptions of the language date from around the 6th century, but a proper literary career starts five centuries later. The script, almost similar to that of Kannada, took shape in 1000AD from the Pallava script of 7AD.

History of Telugu:

Most literatures began with translations from Sanskrit. So did Telugu with Nannayabhatta (1020AD), the adikavi or ‘first poet’ of Telugu translating the Mahabharata. It was an unusual translation, with lots of clever innovations but no deviations from the story. But Nannayabhatta couldn’t complete the job. Thikanna came along sometime in the 13th century and furthered it. However, it was Yerrapragada (14th century),who was finally able to clinch it. Nannaya, Tikanna and Yerrapragada are known as the kavitraya or ‘the three great poets’ of Telugu for this mammoth effort. Other such translations followed, like Marana’s Markandeya Purana, Ketana’s Dasakumara Charita, Yerrana’s Harivamsa and others. Shaivite works (in praise of Shiva) like Sivatathwa Sara, Basavapurana and Panditaradhya Charitra were a part of this initial stash too.

By the time the Telugu poets wrote down some original works along with translations, it was almost the end of the 14th century. Slowly but steadily they picked up, some landmarks. Some of the notable being Srinatha’s Sringara Naishadha, Potana’s Dasamaskandha, Jakkana’s Vikramarka Charitra and Talapaka Himmakka’s Subhadra Kalyana. Literary activities flourished, especially during the mighty Vijayanagara emperors. The 16th century was the golden age in the history of Telugu literature, thanks to the king Sri Krishna Deva Raya. The Raja, a poet himself, introduced the prabandha (a kind of love poetry) in Telugu literature in his Amukta Malyada. He had in his court the Ashtadiggajas (literal: eight elephants) who were the greatest of poets of the times. Original verse compositions and stories were written with a new zeal. Of those eight, Allasani Peddana (1510-1575AD) is known as Andhra Kavita Pitamahudu or ‘Grandfather of Andhra Poetry’.

In the following years, poets still wrote their prabandhas. Of the number of poets of the 18th to mid 19th century, the only bright spot was Kankanti Paparaju, whose Uttara Ramayana and the play Vishnumayavilasa were admirable. But other genres bloomed. Innumerable Yakshagana or indigenous dramas of song and prose works were also produced. Tyagaraya of Tanjore (19th century) composed devotional songs in Telugu which form the repertoire of the classical ragas of South India.

Although the first printed Telugu book was out in 1796, it took some time before the modern period in literature set in. Young men acquainted with English literature tried to imitate Shelly, Keats and Wordsworth, and a new type of romantic poetry called the Bhavakavithwa was born. Bengali novelists like Rabindranath Tagore, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee and Ramesh Chandra Dutta were a major influence on modern Telugu fiction. Viresalingam Pantulu (1848-1919) wrote the first novel in Telugu, Rajashekharacharitramu. Other writers joined forces to build modern Telugu literature, like the dramatist Dharmavaram Krishnamachari, Chilakamarti Lakshminarasimham (also called the ‘blind poet of Andhra Desha’) the poets and dramatists Gurujada Apparavu and Krishnamacharlu.

The literary group Sahiti Samiti was set up in 1921, and their ‘progressive and rationalist’ journal Sahiti was followed by several others. Even now many writers preferred the old traditional style, like Tirupati Venkata Kavulu, Sripada Krishnamurthy Shastry and Vavilakolanu Subbarao. The other school was that of the Neo-classicist group of Sri Vishwanatha, Katuri, Pingali, Gadiyaram, Gurram Joshua and others. Today the drama, novel, short story, essay and criticism in Telugu have reached high standards

AP- Music

Music

The earliest musical work produced in Andhra region is said to be a collection of seven hundred verses Gatha Sapta Sati in Prakrit completed during King Hala Satavahana reign around first century A.D. The work testifies the existence of music and musical instruments in those days of remote past. Amaravati and Nagarjuna Konda sculptures which are said to be nearly 2000 years old have visual descriptions of musical instruments. In the Kakatiya period around 12th Century, Jayapa was a well known musicologist and choreographer. His works Geetaratnavali and Nritya Ratnavali are renowned. 13th century onwards, Vijayanagar period had music traditions of its own. The celebrated Vidhyaranya and Ramamatya were leaders of the Southern School. Sarangdeva in the kingdom of that period of Yadava Singanna wrote Sangita Ratnakara. A commentary on the Sudhanidhi by Sarvajna Singhana appeared later. Kalanidhi was another commentary. Vasanta rajeeyam is yet another treatise on music by Kumaragiri of Konaveedu. Among the patrons of music, Proudhadevaraya, Krishnadevaraya (16th century), Achyuthadevaraya, and Nayaka rulers (Sangita Sudha, Chaturdandi Prakasa, Sangita Saramrita) are the most well known of that period. Music was practiced as a functional unit of related arts – dance, drama and other theatrical arts.

Bharata, the exponent of Indian Choreography, mentions in his treatise Natya Sastra that Jati, as raga is known as ‘Andhri’ in those days, along with other ragas gaudi, karnati, lati, varati (these are named after their respective political linguistic region). Music in those days was of two kinds marga and desi; marga was for classical elite while desi was for common folk). Matanga gives in his Brihaddesi, Lakshanas of ragas. Charchari, Dwipada, Elaprabhanda, Kanda Prabhandha also find a place in Brihaddesi.

Palkuri Somanatha (13th century) wrote Basavapurana, Panditaradhyacharitra in the popular ‘desi’ ballad Dwipada. This work gives a fund of information about the prevailing musical forms in those days. Tallapaka Annamacharya (1424-1503) composed 32,000 verses in total belonging two different categories; 1. Sringara padamulu (erotic lyrics) and 2. Adhyatma kirtanalu (devotional lyrics). Kancharla Gopanna (Ramadas of Bhadrachalam) composed kirtanalu in praise of Srirama. Tyagaraja, Muthuswami Dikshitar and Syama Sastri formed musical trinity of those days. Thought and literary aspect predominate in their compositions. Tyagaraja (1767-1847) lived in Tamil country (Tiruvayur). His kritis numbering several thousand end with tyagarajanuta (one who was praised by Tyagaraja). They were written in Telugu and a few in Sanskrit. Muthuswami Dikshitar’s kritis mostly in Sanskrit and few in Telugu end with the Guru Guha mudra (invoking Subrahmanya, the family deity). Syama Sastri, had his compositions in Telugu, Tamil and Sanskrit ending with syama krishnasahodari mudra (Invoking Kamakshi, his family deity). Kshetrajna or Kshetrayya (1600-1660) a devotee of Muvva Gopalakrishna, created new musical structure padams numbering 350 requiring more details of aesthetic expression to bring out the subtle shades of the mental attitude. Veedhi natakam and Yakshaganamu (opera) were popular musical plays in Rayalaseema and the south. Yakshagana is a style of musical rendering utilized in melo drama. Vipranarayana Charitram by Rangajamma and Ushaparinayam and Prahlad by Meltur Venkatramasastri are fine examples of Yaksha gana. Vadivelu, Ponnayya Pillai, Chinnayya and Sivanandam were popular in the South India (The Tanjore quartet). Mysore Vasudevachari, Mysore Sadasiva Rao, Swati Tirunal of Travancore were Telugu composers of Non-Andhra origin.

Music was extensively patronized by Andhra Gajapati of Vizianagaram College of Music was established in Vizianagaram. Dwaram Venkataswamy Naidu, the violin-wizard, headed the college for a long time. Rallapalli Ananth Krishna Sarma (Tirupati) himself a noted musicologist, brought to light the well known kirtanas numbering 1200 of Tallapaka Annamacharya from Tirumala and Ahobilam.

AP-MODERN DRAMA

MODERN DRAMA

Sarasa Vinodini Nataka Sabha, started by playwright and actor Dharmavaram Krishnamachari in the last quarter of nineteenth century gave spur to modern Telugu stage. Mention may be made of the commercialized dramatic companies such as Dharwar, Parsi, Sangli, Surabhi. Chitranaleeyam, a dramatic adaptation from an episode from Mahabharata and Sarangadhara, a romantic drama based on Chalukyan history attracted, in those days, crowded houses. Gayopakhyanam by Chilakamurti Lakshmi Narasimham too was a popular play. Vasantasena based on Sudraka staged by Surabhi company was a hit in those days. Balijepalli’s Harichandra and adaptations from veni samharam, and sakuntalam formed the main pieces of his repertoire.

Gurazada Apparao created in the Kanyasulkam (1918) a social satire based on widow remarriage and social emancipation of women. Another forceful play based on history Prataparudriyam by Vedam Venkataraya Sastri was a stage success. These two were stuffed with liberal use of spoken dialect eschewing all obsolete intricate grammatical structures. These two plays hailed as master pieces of the day, are popular even now. Sthanam Narasimharao, taking the role of Maduravani in Kanyasulkam brilliantly portrayed that role. Manjuluri Krishna Rao similarly brought fame to mantra Yugandhara in Prataparudriyam.Later, the Mylavaram Drama company, the Bala Bharati Nataka Samajam organized the theatrical activities with their centre at Vijayawada with Ranapratap. Sakuntalam, Savitri forming main themes in their repertoire. Sanjiva Rao, Yadavalli Suryanarayana, Addanki Sriramamurti were top performers in that Dramatic company in 1910 and made mark with Harischandra and Pandavodyogavijayamulu of Tirupati Venkata Kavulu.

Another professional troupe under the name and style of Sri Rama Vilasa Sabha (1920-1935) with top performers Govindarajula Vankata Subbarao, Sthanam Narasimha Rao , and Pulipati Venkateswarlu along with earlier Prataparudriyam and Kanya Sulkam in their repertoire held the field for some time along with Saranghadhara and tulabhara. Banda Kanakalingeswara Rao’s contribution to the Andhra stage is a distinguished one. Later, T. Raghavachari (Bellary Raghava as he was popularly known) entered the Telugu Theatre with fresh approach and left a stamp of his own with distinction. His role Rajaraja in Saranghadhara; Chanakya in Chandragupta; Hiranya Kasipa in Prahlada and Ramadas deserve mention. Raghava produced a few social themes written by P. V. Rajamannar.

Advent of Cinema resulted in extinction of professional drama companies by 1940.However, the histrionic urge among Andhra youth gave birth to amateur drama activity. There are more than 700 such amateur groups in Andhra Pradesh according to a survey conducted in 1966 by the State sponsored Sangita natak Akademi. The water mark of the amateur activity was Raja rao’s production mahabhoomi (sponsored by Praja Natya Mandali) based on a theme of peasant uprising. Kurma Venu Gopalaswami of Andhra University contributed much to the experimental theatre. More recent trends in the Tgeatre movement to day is the revival of Andhra Nataka Kala Parishat through a chain of drama competitions and award of prizes for successful entries. Radio plays and one act plays predominate in these days.

The Andhra Pradesh Sangita Nata Akademi has a programme to give expert technical advice and assistance necessary to amateur drama groups. The Andhra Pradesh Sangita Nataka Akademi has three different activities: Music, Dance, Drama. It renders financial assistance to give fillip to amateur groups and hold seminars on drama and other allied topics The Akademi has an air-conditioned auditorium namely Ravindra Bharati, with a mini- theatre 1966 centrally located in Hyderabad. It is equipped with the atrical equipment based on modern acoustics.

AP - Dance

Dance

In the historic times, dance in Andhra was a dedicated form practised invariably in the presence of deity in the temples. Devadasi System was in vogue during Vishnukundin and Eastern Chalukyan times. These devadasis were specially employed to practice dance according rigid systems of classical Natyasastra.They had to perform duties of ‘aarati’ and ‘Pavalimpu seva’ to the presiding deity. Manikyamba the builder of Draksharama temple was a typical devadasi. Kakatiyas, who were ardent followers of Saivism, encouraged Sivatandava dance throughout their kingdom. According to authoritative sources, there existed four dance institutions at Srisailam – the seat of Mallikharjuna, a Siva shrine.

Kelika style of dance was in vogue when the deity was taken in procession (utsava) in the streets. Devadasis used to dance in the procession. For some time, court dancer or rajanartaki system was in vogue. Yakshaganas were invariably practiced later by these devadasi – turned raja nartakis when their former systems fell into disuse by the efflux of time.

Kuchipudi Dance: Sidhendrayogi of Muvva, Krishna District around 15th century created Kuchipudi form of Bharatanatyam. Kuchipudi style is a watermark in Indian classical choreography. The near ballet type dance-drama ‘Bhama kalapam’ was his composition. In essence, Kuchipudi dance consists of Nritya and Natya. In Kuchipudi dance performance, every character of ballet is introduced to the audience through the words of a song interspersed with several jatis. It is said that the Kuchipudi dance form is a comprehensive one as conceived by the great sage, Bharata, the exponent of Indian classical dance. Lasya, tandava,and abhinaya are liberally employed by the artists in rendering slokas.
While rendering ballet, Kuchipudi form presses into service all the moving limbs. Wide range of abhinaya-aharya, angika, satvika, and vachika of classical Bharatanatyam are covered. Though Kuchipudi form is classical by nature the rendering appealed to masses. Gita Govinda of Jayadeva, padmas of Kshetrayya tarangams of Narayana Tirtha formed the repertoire of Kuchipudi dance. Bhama Kalapam, Golla Kalapam, Harischandra, Prahlada, and Usha Parinayam are popular in this system of Dance. Kuchipudi lays stress on jada among other costumes and ornaments. Jada or plaited hai, is delicately and tastefully rendered with 27 different pieces symbolizing 27 stars. 4 pieces on the head represent Chuturveda, a sun ornament and a moon ornament also form part of it. At the tail of the jada there are three round balls representing tribhuvanas (three worlds). Again another set of three smaller balls are hung under each big ball. Satyabhama symbolosing prakriti is a typical character in Kuchipudi style, while Sri Krishna represents purush. Satyabhama in Bhama Kalapam renders all the eight types of Nayaikas of Indian aesthetics (alankara sastra).

AP -Culture

Culture

Introduction

As the rest of the constituents of the Indian Union, Andhra Pradesh too, in its own inimitable way, contributed its own part to the common cultural heritage of India, maintaining at the same time its own individuality. Though, throughout the ages, owing to many historical reasons, many races, peoples and religious groups contributed in their own way to the cultural development of Andhras, the keynote of that growth has always been a synthesis on the basis of eternal values. The Andhra cultural wealth developed in such a way is reflected to-day in feasts and festivals; literature, music, dance, drama, arts and crafts, attitude and actions, educational pattern and mode of life of the Andhras. Here only a thumbnail sketch of those various facets of Andhra Culture is attempted to be given under appropriate heads.

Religion, Feasts and Festival

The Dwaita, the Visishtadwaita, the Advaita, and Saivite faiths coexist in Andhra Pradesh among Hindus, while Muslims and Christians also live side by side with tolerance. The Sakti, in her finer and cruder manifestations is also worshipped. In the better and richer type of villages, the temples of Vishnu, Siva and Sakti prevail. Vighneswara, Srirama and Hanuman are also provided in these shrines. Religious or sectarian fanaticism in general does not exist in the State of Andhra Pradesh.

Some of the famous temples in Andhra Pradesh are at Simahachalam, Sun temple in Arasavalli in Srikakulam District), Draksharama, Bhadrachalam in Khammam District, Annavaram and Antarvedi in the East Godavari District, Mangalagiri in Guntur District, Achanta, Palakol, Dwaraka Tirumala in West Godavari, Tirupati and Kalahasti in Chittoor, Kanaka Durga at Vijayawada in Krishna and Ahobilam in Kurnool District. The other famous temples are in Srikakulam, Mukhalingam. Kotappakonda, Srisailam and Mahanandi. All of them are structures of great antiquity and possess rare architectural values. Christian churches in places like Medak and mosques in Hyderabad are noteworthy. In addition to these, local deities called Gramadevatas are held in reverence. Jataras are celebrated. They do not belong to any particular denomination. The Hindu priest would officiate at their ceremonies; nevertheless the villager regards them with awe and never fails to do obeisance before them. These are located generally on the village outskirts, the idol consisting of a stone smeared liberally with oil, saffron, kumkum and turmeric. The Gramadevatas, one comes across in rural Andhra are innumerable and are given local names such as Gangamma, Gogulamma, Nukalamma, Vellamma, Chinnamma, Muthyalammma, Bangaramma, Ankalamma, Pyditalli, Perantalamma and Poturaju. If disregarded for too long, people believe they cause diseases and disasters in the village. Animal or fowl sacrifice is practiced to appease them. The religion of the hill tribes is based largely on superstition and animism. Witchcraft and animal sacrifice are also widely believed, though they are becoming things of the past by the spread of modern education. The most terrible visitation in the eyes of the Koya tribe in Godavari Valley are eclipses of the sun and the moon for they believe that the devil in the shape of a serpent or a tiger is thereby trying to swallow the earth. They ward it off by beating drums all the time the eclipse lasts.

Feasts and Festivals

Andhras observe many feasts and festivals. Most of them have some religious significance; but they are notable mainly for the occasion for gaiety and merry making they provide. On such days every household is decorated with floral and green leaf torana hung across the windows and doors. The courtyard is decorated tastefully with designs of muggu powder (rangoli) and the doorsteps are painted with daubs of turmeric and kumkum pastes. Dhoop sticks and dhup, sambrani are burnt in all the homes and the air is filled with aromatic smell. People wear new clothes; the lady of the house cooks special dishes and generally some community function is held near the village temple or at a common place. There are nine major festivals observed by Andhras; seven of them religious and two agricultural.

Ugadi: Ugadi is Telugu New Year Festival usually comes in March/April. This is regarded auspicious for the peace, prosperity and happiness of the family in the ensuing year. The family members wear new clothes on this occasion and the entire day is spent in feasting out the forecast for the following year from Hindu almanac at a ceremony called ‘Panchanga Shravanam’.

Srirama Navami: It is the celebration of the birth of Sri Rama usually celebrated in April. It is observed with devotion and prayers. The Ramayana is read out before huge gatherings and at the end of which panakam, a drink made out of jaggery and vadapappu a preparation with green gram dhal are distributed.

Vinayaka Chaturthi: Vinayaka is god of success. This festival too is observed in August/September with great devotion to ensure success for all the family’s undertakings in the ensuing year.

Dasara: This festival falls about September/October and is celebrated for ten days as ‘Dasara Navaratri’. On the ninth day craftsmen and artisans worship their tools as ‘Ayudhapooja’. The tenth day Vijayadashami is celebrated with gaiety.

Deepavali: The Festival of lights which falls weeks after Dasara is celebrated as victory of good over evil for the slaying of the mythological tyrant Narakasura by Lord Krishna and his consort Satyabhama. End of Narakasura resulted in freedom to 16,000 maidens whom the tyrant had kept in captivity. Wearing new clothes, Children celebrate the festivals by lighting fire works.

Sankaranti: The festival falls on 13/14th of January every year, when the farmer expresses his gratitude to nature after a good harvest. It is an important festival for Andhras.

Mahasivarathi: The festival February/March, is celebrated in honour of Lord Siva who constitutes the trinity of Brahma, Vishnu and Siva.

Panduga, Eruvaaka are celebrated by Andhra farmers. The housewives celebrate vratams and nomus. Shravana mangala varamu, Kartika somavaramu are typical examples. The hill tribes celebrate the Chaitra festival when the harvest is gathered and there is a whole month before them to dance and make merry.

AP -Political Crisis in 1969 and 1972-1

Political Crisis in 1969 and 1972

During the years 1969 and 1972, Andhra Pradesh was rocked by two political agitations popularly known as the `Telangana’ and the `Jai Andhra’ Movements respectively. Telangana agitation was started by the people of the region when they felt that the Andhra leaders had flouted the Gentlemen’s Agreement which facilitated the formation of Andhra Pradesh.

The influx of the people from the coastal region into the city of Hyderabad created many social tensions. Slowly the discontent spread among the Telangana officials and the unemployed youth who felt that they were exploited by the people of the Andhra region. The discontent manifested itself when a student of Khammam went on a hunger-strike in January 1969 demanding the implementation of the safeguards for Telangana provided in the Gentlemen’s Agreement. Slowly the agitation spread to Hyderabad and other parts of Telangana. In the beginning, the movement demanded the implementation of the safeguards agreed upon earlier, but later it wanted the separation of Telangana from Andhra Pradesh.

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*Three more districts were added later by the creation of Prakasam in 1970, Ranga Reddy in 1978 and Vizianagaram in 1979. Thus, the State presently has 23 districts.

The agitation took a new turn when the Congress legislators from Telangana supported the movement. Dr.Channa Reddy entered the fray and formed the Telangana Praja Samiti to lead the movement. But by November 1969, there was a split in the Praja Samiti when dissident Congress legislators realised that the Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was not in favour of separate Telangana. The movement slowly petered out. In September 1971, Brahmananda Reddy, the then Chief Minister, resigned his position to make room for a leader from Telangana to become the Chief Minister. On the 30th of September, 1971, P.V.Narsimha Rao* became the Chief Minister. The Telangana Praja Samiti was dissolved and its members rejoined the Congress.

During 1972, another agitation known as the Jai Andhra Movement was launched in the Andhra region. The agitation was a sequel to the Telangana agitation which demanded that only `Mulkis’ should be appointed to the posts in Telangana including the Hyderabad city. The `Mulki’ issue had a long history behind it. As early as in 1919, the Nizam of Hyderabad issued a firman laying down that only `Mulkis’ are eligible for public appointments in the State. `Mulki’ was defined as one who was born in the State of Hyderabad or resided there continuously for fifteen years and had given an affidavit that he abandoned the idea of returning to his native place. Even after the formation of Andhra Pradesh, the Mulki rules continued to be in force in the Telangana region. As these rules stood in the way of the people of the Andhra region to compete for the posts, their validity was challenged in the High Court. A full bench of the High Court by a four-one majority held that the Mulki rules were not valid and operative after the formation of Andhra Pradesh.

But on an appeal by the State Government, the Supreme Court declared on the 3rd of October, 1972 that the Mulki rules were valid and were in force. The judgement created a great political crisis in the State. The people of the Andhra region felt that they were reduced to the status of second class citizens in their own State capital. They felt that the only way to uphold their dignity was by severing their connection with Telangana and started a movement for the separation of Andhra region from Andhra Pradesh.

As the agitation continued, President’s rule was imposed in the State on the 10th of January, 1973. Finally, a political settlement was arrived at under the aegis of the Central Government. A `Six-Point Formula’ was agreed upon by the leaders of the two regions to prevent any recurrence of such agitations in future. The `Six-Point Formula’ included (1) the abolition of Mulki rules and the Telangana Regional Committee and (2) the establishment of a Central University at Hyderabad to augment educational facilities.

Emergence of Andhra Pradesh

The creation of Andhra State in October, 1953 strengthened the general demand for linguistic States. Andhras had also long cherished demand for the formation of Visalandhra, since the people of Hyderabad State were unanimous in their demand for the trifurcation of their State. Andhras hoped that the outlying Telugu areas in Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Mysore and Madras be incorporated in the greater Andhra.

The States Reorganization Commission, with Syed Fazl Ali as the Chairman, set up by the Government of India in December 1953, who heard the views of different organisations and individuals, was though convinced of the advantages of Visalandhra, however, favoured the formation of separate State for Telangana. This report of the S.R.C. led to an intensive lobbying both by the advocates of Telangana and Visalandhra. The Communists reacted sharply and announced that they would resign their seats in the Hyderabad Legislative Assembly and contest elections on the issue. In the Hyderabad Legislative Assembly, a majority of the Legislators supported Visalandhra.

The Congress High Command favoured Visalandhra and prevailed upon the leaders of the Andhra State and Telangana to sort out their differences, who, thereupon, entered into a `Gentlemen’s Agreement’. One of the main provisions of the Agreement was the creation of a `Regional Council’ for Telangana for its all round development. The enlarged State by merging nine Telugu speaking districts of Adilabad, Nizamabad, Medak, Karimnagar, Warangal, Khammam, Nalgonda, MahabubNagar and Hyderabad, into Andhra State with its eleven districts of Srikakulam, Visakhapatnam, East Godavari, West Godavari, Krishna, Guntur, Nellore, Chittoor, Cuddapah, Anantapur and Kurnool, totalling 20 districts* was named `Andhra Pradesh’ with its capital at Hyderabad. It was inaugurated on the 1st of November, 1956 by Jawaharlal Nehru. Neelam Sanjiva Reddy became the first Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, who later rose to the position of the President of India. Burgula Ramakrishna Rao, last of the Chief Ministers of Hyderabad State was elevated to the Office of the Governor of Kerala. C.M.Trivedi continued to be the Governor of Andhra Pradesh.

As stated above, on the formation of Andhra Pradesh on the 1st of November 1956, Neelam Sanjiva Reddy became the first Chief Minister of the new State. Consequent on his becoming the President of the All India Congress Committee, he resigned the post of Chief Minister on 10th June, 1960 and was succeeded by D.Sanjivaiah, a talented young man from the Scheduled Castes. After 1962 General Elections, Sri N.Sanjiva Reddy again became the Chief Minister of the State on 12th March, 1962. But, he relinquished the Chief Ministership in 1964 on moral grounds consequent on the adverse verdict of the Supreme Court in Kurnool Transport Nationalisation case. He was succeeded by Sri Kasu Brahmananda Reddy on 29th February, 1964. He was in the office till 30th September, 1971. His long innings witnessed development of the city as well as the State in many ways. True the Telangana agitation erupted during his time paved way for rectification of defects and implementation of measures to develop Telangana.

Police Action in Hyderabad State

Andhras were very much agitated over the developments in the State of Hyderabad during the years 1946-48. The Nizam was very anxious to become independent and he insisted that Hyderabad should be the third dominion. He tried to achieve his ambitious desire with the help of Khasim Razvi of the Ittehadul Muslimeen and its storm-troopers, the Razakars.

Meanwhile, the Hindus of the Hyderabad State who accounted for 93 per cent of its population, launched the `Join India’ movement with the cooperation of a few patriotic Muslims for the integration of the State with the rest of the country. The State Congress leaders, led by Swami Ramanand Tirtha, invoked themselves whole-heartedly in the movement. As the State Congress was banned by the Nizam, its leaders conducted their activities from places like Vijayawada and Bombay. The Communists on their part organised village defence squads to protect the villagers from the attacks of the Nizam Police and Razakars.

All negotiations between the Nizam’s Dominions and the Indian Union proved abortive. The Nizam Government did not agree to the accession of the Dominions to the Indian Union. The activities of the Majlis Ittehadul Muslimeen and the Razakars within the Dominions were posing a threat to peace and harmony. The growing violence of the Razakars seriously jeopardised law and order. The Government of India, tried to make the Nizam see reason and sign the Instrument of Assession with India. After tortuous negotiations, the Nizam finally entered into a
`Stand Still Agreement’ on November 29, 1947, with India for one year to maintain status quo, which existed between the British and the Nizam before August 15, 1947. This agreement of the Nizam was only to gain time to procure military hardware from different parts of the world and smuggle them into Hyderabad. In the meanwhile, the Nizam sent a delegation to the U.N.O. to refer the Hyderabad case to the Security Council.
With the growing violence by the Razakars and the Nizam’s attempts to get himself independent, the Government of India decided to curb these tendencies by launching a `Police Action’ against the Nizam. On the 13th of September, 1948 `Police Action’ on Hyderabad commenced. The Indian Army, led by Major-General J.N.Chaudhuri entered the State from five directions and the military action was a brilliant success. On 18th September, 1949, Nizam’s forces surrendered and Mir Laik Ali, the Prime Minister of the Nizam, and Khasim Razvi were arrested. On September, 23, the Nizam withdrew his complaint in the Security Council. The merger of Hyderabad Dominions into the Indian Union was announced. Major-General J.N.Chaudhuri took over as Military Governor of Hyderabad and stayed in that position till the end of 1949. In January 1950, M.K.Vellodi, a Senior Civil Servant, was made the Chief Minister of the State and the Nizam was designated `Raj Pramukh’. After the 1952 General Elections, the first popular ministry headed by B.Rama Krishna Rao took charge of the State.

Struggle for Andhra State Post-Independence Era 1

Struggle for Andhra State

Post-Independence Era

The Andhras were struggling for the formation of a separate Andhra Province since the period of British, but could not succeed. When India attained Independence on the 15th of August, 1947, Andhras hoped that their long-cherished desire would be realised soon. Inspite of several renewed efforts put forth by the Andhra leaders before the Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru and the Deputy Prime Minister Sardar Vallabhai Patel, the desire for a separate Andhra State remained as a dream itself.

The Dar Commission, appointed by the Government of India under the Chairmanship of S.K.Dar did not recommend for the creation of States on the linguistic consideration. This report of the Commission created such an adverse reaction in Andhra that the Congress leaders felt it prudent to assuage the ruffled feelings of the Telugus. An unofficial Committee, consisting of Jawaharlal Nehru, Vallabhbhai Patel and Pattabhi Sitaramaiah, popularly known as the J.V.P. Committee, was constituted by the Congress. The Committee in its report submitted to the Working Committee of the Indian National Congress in April, 1949 recommended that the creation of linguistic provinces be postponed by few years. However, it suggested that Andhra Province could be formed provided the Andhras gave up their claim to the city of Madras (now Chennai). This report provoked violent reaction in Andhra as the Telugus were not prepared to forego their claims to the city of Madras.

Under the prevailing situation, a Partition Committee was formed under the Chairmanship of Kumaraswami Raja, the then Chief Minister of Madras. Andhra was represented by Tanguturi Prakasam, B.Gopala Reddi, Kala Venkata Rao and N.Sanjiva Reddy. The Partition Committee could not arrive at an agreed settlement. Prakasam disagreed with the views of other members and gave a dissenting note. The Government of India, took advantage of the dissenting note of Prakasam and shelved the issue. To express the resentment of the Andhras, Swami Sitaram (Gollapudi Sitarama Sastry), a Gandhian, undertook a fast unto death, which created an explosive situation in Andhra. However, Swami gave up his 35-day fast on the 20th of September, 1951, on the appeal made by Vinoba Bhave. Nothing came out of this fast except the increasing distrust of the people of Andhra towards their own leaders and the Government of India.

In the First General Elections of 1952, Andhras expressed their resentment towards the Congress leaders by defeating them at the polls. Out of the 140 seats from Andhra in the Madras Legislative Assembly, the Congress could secure only 43, while the Communist Party of India bagged as many as 40 seats out of the 60 it contested. In the Madras Legislative Assembly itself, the Congress could secure only 152. The non-Congress members in the legislature, numbering 164 formed themselves into a United Democratic Front (U.D.F.) and elected T.Prakasam as their leader. But the Governor nominated C.Rajagopala Chari to the Legislative Council and invited him to form the ministry.